NOM BLOG

Monthly Archives: December 2010

Dr. J: What Chuck Cooper will say to defend Prop 8

Chuck Cooper, lead attorney for the defense of Proposition 8, will surely make a big deal out of the sloppy reasoning of Judge Walker’s opinion. He will certainly point out that there are numerous cases at the state and federal level, which are precedents for the same sex marriage issue. These cases hold that there is no federal right to same sex marriage.

A good lawyerly practice is to list all the relevant precedents and distinguish them from your own case. In other words, Olson and Boies should have explained why those cases are different from the Prop 8 case, so that those existing should be set aside to make way for the new finding that the US Constitution requires same sex marriage.

Olson and Boies didn’t do that. Judge Walker didn’t do that. They didn’t even mention Baker v Nelson, Adams v Howerton and a host of state and district court rulings around the country.

As Cooper said in his motion to appeal, “Given that the district court did not cite a single case that had addressed these issues, one might think the court was deciding issues of first impression on a blank slate. Nothing could be further from the truth…. The sheer weight of authority opposed to the district court’s decisions further confirms that the decision will likely be reversed on appeal.”

Dr. Jennifer Roeback Morse on KTVU-Channel 2

KTVU Channel 2 in San Francisco interviewed Jenny Morse as part of their preview for the Prop 8 trial today http://www.ktvu.com/video/26029260/index.html.  Dr. Morse will be liveblogging for NOM from the courtroom, starting noon, Eastern, today, join her and us!

Wash Times: "The Left Deals Hate Card to Stifle Dissent"

Rebecca Hagelin in today's Washington Times, quotes NOM's Chairman Maggie Gallagher, and responds not only to the Southern Poverty Law Center's designation of Family Research Council and others as "hate groups"--but also to a major LA Times columnist who applauded the SLPC's move:

"Tim Rutten, a columnist at the Los Angeles Times, applauds the SPLC action for drawing a line 'where the expression of religiously based views on social issues ends and hate speech begins.' Mr. Rutten mistakenly argues that 'even the most objectionable religious dogma' (like the biblical opposition to homosexual behavior) is protected by the Constitution, but only if that belief "stays under the church roof." (Mr. Rutten misses the fact that plenty of folks who don't attend church support traditional morality.)

Teach your children that folks who advocate silencing religious views in the public square are attacking a key right the First Amendment was designed to protect.

Mrs. Gallagher also cautions that when homosexual activists liken their plight to racial prejudice, they seek to induce "moral shame" in the hearts of good people. Teach your children to hold fast to the truth and refuse the burden of unfair guilt. We know what marriage is. And no amount of lobbying or name-calling can change that truth. Our only shame would be to keep silent in the face of lies."

Live Coverage of Prop 8 Case Today

Oral arguments in the Prop 8 case begin at 1pm ET/ 10am PT today! We'll be
 streaming it live at www.Prop8case.com, together with live courtroom
 reporting from Dr. Jennifer Roback Morse, president of NOM's Ruth Institute, 
including liveblog & twitter updates and video reaction following the 
arguments.

Should Judge Reinhardt Recuse Himself?

Over at Volokh.com, a number of legal commentators take up the issue.

Ted Olson v. Ted Olson

Ted Olson V. Ted Olson

Basking  in all that media adulation, Ted Olson doesn't get much pushback.  But over at Bench Memos, Ed Whelan asks Ted Olson to debate the old Ted Olson. Call it Ted Olson v. "California Ted" :

"In an article that he published in a Federalist Society newsletter, Olson, echoing the language of Justice Scalia’s dissent, calls the Romer decision “an astonishing victory for the proposition that it violated the Equal Protection Clause for Colorado citizens to prohibit special legal protections for homosexuals.” This “astonishing victory,” Olson clearly believed, was undeserved. As he explained, “The Colorado constitutional amendment did no more than repeal municipal laws, and prohibit future laws, that gave ‘preferences’ or ‘protected status’ on the basis of ‘homosexual orientation.’” Further, Scalia “reminded the Court”—note: “reminded,” not “contended”—“that the decision was irreconcilable with the Court’s decision a few years ago in Bowers v. Hardwick.”

In that same article, Olson discussed the VMI case (United States v. Virginia), in which the Court held that VMI could not maintain its single-sex status. Olson praised Scalia’s dissent as “one of the most elegant and moving opinions I have ever read.” In the passage from the dissent that he quoted, Scalia argued that a democratic system “is destroyed if the smug assurances of each age are removed from the democratic process and written into the Constitution” and condemned “this most illiberal Court, which has embarked on a course of inscribing one after another of the current preferences of society … into our Basic Law.”

Olson then wrapped up his assessment of the two cases:

Romer and VMI have been explained as reflecting the Court’s sensitivity to individual rights and its hostility to any classification that sets any group apart. But it is difficult to support that generalization. Ironically, that Court has said that there can be no public discrimination against single-sex sex, but that public support for single-sex education is unconstitutional. I would have to agree with Justice Scalia that this seems to be incorporating society’s current preferences into the Constitution and that that is a very perilous course. [Boldfacing added]

If “incorporating society’s current preferences into the Constitution” is “a very perilous course” (and I certainly agree that it is), it is all the more perilous to be entrenching in constitutional guise the current preferences of what has been demonstrated, in election after election, to be a minority. (And, no, I am of course not disputing that genuine constitutional rights operate in a countermajoritarian fashion.)

Seemingly intoxicated by his new role, Olson is now racing recklessly down the “very perilous course” that he once warned against—in far more modest contexts—and he’s trying to drag the nation along with him."

Flashback: Palin v. Biden on SSM 2008

Sarah Palin v. Joe Biden on SSM, October 2008: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WfIKdRmWkBI

Volokh: Chuck Cooper Was (Probably) Right!

In her AP story, Lisa Leff focuses on the trial record and describes it as a "knockout"; but even legal eagles who favor gay marriage, aren't so sure.  Check out Eugene Volokh's comments vindicating Cooper's decision that with a judge that biased and a trial that really wasn't necessary, scrambling for more witnesses would have been a mistake:

"Despite the lopsided trial record, most legal experts agree the defense team's reasoning is not far-fetched. They say the three-judge panel could discount the exhaustive trial evidence that Chief U.S. District Judge Vaughn Walker laid out in his August decision. In its place, the panel could substitute studies that were barely discussed in Walker's court or, more likely, its own interpretation of relevant case law.

'I can't say whether the case was litigated well or badly,' said Eugene Volokh, a UCLA law school professor whose popular legal-affairs blog was inundated with comments from observers critical of the defense's trial performance. 'If the question is whether they should have introduced more witnesses at trial, I'm skeptical it would have done any good. It certainly wasn't necessary, and I'm not sure it would have been at all helpful.'"

They’ve already redefined marriage.

In their minds, that is.

Our side considers legalizing same sex marriage to be a redefinition of marriage. We try to persuade people that redefining marriage would be harmful.  But I have noticed that many people who favor ssm have ALREADY mentally redefined it.  In their minds, marriage is only about adult relationships, with children as optional, for sure, and sometimes with permanence and fidelity as optional as well.

Since marriage is already just about adults, they can’t understand what the fuss is all about.  Why not just include same sex couples in this more or less pointless vestigial social institution called marriage?   They can’t understand why the legal system doesn’t catch up with the image of marriage they are already carrying around in their heads.

They don’t see that by continually defining marriage down, we are making marriage less and less able to perform its intended and necessary social function of attaching mothers and fathers to their children and to each other.  And they don’t seem to see that having a functional next generation is in everyone’s interest.

Defending the voters of CA

I expect that Chuck Cooper will defend the voters of California against the truly scurrilous attack made by Olsen and Boies and repeated by Judge Walker.  The plaintiffs complained about the advertising used during the campaign. I was shocked the first time I heard this complaint.  They couldn’t find anything explicitly “homophobic” in the campaign ads. So they drew inferences about the intent of the voters, from subliminal messages that they imagined the voters must have been really responding to. Here is what Cooper said in his motion to appeal about “inferring” voter intent.

The district court thus erred as a matter of law in drawing the “inference” that Proposition 8 was motivated solely by an irrational and bigoted “fear or unarticulated dislike of same-sex couples” or by the “belief that same-sex couples simply are not as good as opposite-sex couples.”

At any rate, the inference of anti-gay hostility drawn by the district court is manifestly false. It defames more than seven million California voters as homophobic, a cruelly ironic charge given that California has enacted some of the Nation’s most progressive and sweeping gay-rights protections, including creation of a parallel institution, domestic partnerships, affording same-sex couples all the benefits and obligations of marriage…

The district court’s “inference” regarding the subjective motivations of seven million Californians is based on a tendentious description of no more than a handful of the cacophony of messages, for and against Proposition 8, that were before the electorate during the hard fought and often heated initiative campaign

See what I mean?  He is sticking up for the voters. He had to so so, because the opponents of Prop 8 have impugned the motives of millions of California voters, and the millions of other Americans who agree with them in supporting the principle that marriage is the union of one man and one woman.

The Next Roe v. Wade?

In the LA Times, the sociologist Brian Powell suggests Perry v. Schwarzenegger is the next Loving v. Virginia, helping to change public opinion. In so-suggesting, by the way, he's validating the argument of those who support Prop 8--the law has the power to change cultural understandings of marriage.

He doesn't really consider the other possibility: by resorting to the courts, gay marriage advocates are cutting off the conversation they precisely want to have--and undercutting the legitimacy of the prize they seek to win.

Not the next Loving v. Virginia, but the next Roe v. Wade?

WaPo gets the Prop 8 point: the number of “experts” is irrelevant.

The Prop 8 legal defense team has taken a beating in public debate. But the MSM, in the person of Washington Post reporter Lisa Leff (finally) start asking the right questions. What was the point, if any, of all the expert testimony presented in the original Prop 8 case?  Our side says it was basically pointless, from a legal point of view, and merely for public relations purposes.  Reporter Leff found some commentators who see the point:

Eugene Volokh, a UCLA law school professor whose popular legal-affairs blog was inundated with comments from observers critical of the defense’s trial performance, said, “If the question is whether they should have introduced more witnesses at trial, I’m skeptical it would have done any good. It certainly wasn’t necessary, and I’m not sure it would have been at all helpful.”

And University of Pittsburgh law professor Arthur Hellman said that the mere number of witnesses called by each side is unlikely to be decisive in any event.  "It is unlikely the court would consider itself bound and limited by what happened in the district court, that it could not go beyond the trial record," he said.

WND: Courts "Hostile Takeover of Marriage"

On the eve of oral arguments at the 9th Circuit in San Francisco, World Net Daily describes Judges Walker's ruling as the courts "hostile takeover of marriage."

Maggie Untied

Over at 365gay.com Prof. John Culhane has published a piece "Why Civil Unions Tie Maggie Gallagher in Knots."

He doesn't seem to get what I think about civil unions.  So let me help him untie those knots.

1. For me, the gay marriage debate is primarily a debate about marriage.  That's the issue that motivated me to drop everything and enter this debate:  Do we as a society care enough about the need to bring mothers and fathers together for children to protect the public meaning of the one social institution we have which has always had this core mission?

2. Therefore,  for me (and people who think like me) practical benefits for gay people are a separate issue. This confuses gay rights advocates because of course for them, it's the same issue; it's all about what does justice require that we do for gay people.  But for me, the question becomes: there's a group of people who don't fit marriage very well, and maybe we can find a way to do something for them.  Not as a rights issue--you can't buy the right to discriminate with civil unions and marriage is not discriminatory-but out of consideration, as a gesture of  civic respect, crafted in ways that would minimize the impact on a marriage culture.

So I urge people who advocate for civil unions to do so not because they think it's a right (it's not), or because they think it will buy peace (it won't)  but because they think it's the right thing to do. (This is where Prof. Culhane finds my argument so confusing.  He's a pretty smart guy, trying to make it clear). There are many forms of civil unions I could accept.  (What's the basic outline? Inclusive partnership bills, that are based on respect for adult love and caretaking among couples who are unlikely to marry, such as same-sex couples, but the devil is in the details, see below).

3. Unfortunately, due to some very bad state court decisions that Prof. Culhane applauds, many forms of civil union bills objectively threaten the defintion of marriage. That's because at least two state supreme court's have used the passage of a civil union bill as a justification to knock down the state's marriage law.  With careful drafting this--and the religious liberty threats--can be dealt with, if the people proposing them want to avoid the misuse of the law to threaten marriage.  But mostly they don't want to, they want to use the law to invite the courts to knock down marriage.

4. The biggest obstacle to expanding domestic partnerships benefits now is that the gay rights movements has convinced its own supporters that these partnerships benefits are a demeaning insult, "separate is not equal."  And the moral narrative of equality, not practical benefits, is what they really seek.

BTW, I've pretty much been saying the same thing about civil unions since 2003, except that the Connecticut and California supreme court decisions (which of course I think were wrongly decided) have made doing civil unions bills without threatening marriage much more complicated.

Hope that clears things up for the good professor.  Happy to help.  : )

The "fundamental right to marry" case favors man/woman marriage.

Skinner v Oklahoma is one of the standard cases cited in defense of the
"fundamental right to marry." In this 1942 case, the Court stated, "We are
 dealing here with legislation which involves one of the basic civil rights 
of man. Marriage and procreation are fundamental to the very existence and
 survival of the race."

The facts of this case have nothing to do with marriage. Skinner stands for 
the idea that procreation is a central feature of marriage. Hence, Skinner
 supports natural marriage, not same sex marriage.

Mr. Skinner had been convicted of 3 felonies: two counts of armed robbery, 
one count of chicken theft. Under Oklahoma's Habitual Criminal 
Sterilization Act, these three felony convictions were sufficient for the 
state to sterilize him as a habitual criminal.

The state of OK did not propose to prohibit Mr. Skinner from ever getting
 married, only to render him incapable of ever siring children. Marriage was
 so closely linked to procreation in the Court's view, that rendering him
 sterile presented a serious barrier to him ever marrying.

The Court did not say what the advocates of same sex marriage imply that it
 said: that Mr. Skinner had the right to marry anyone he wanted.

What the court did plainly imply is that marriage and procreation are
 tightly linked, both in experience and in logic. By sterilizing Mr.
Skinner, the state of Oklahoma would make him "damaged goods" and unlikely 
to succeed in finding a marriage partner for himself.

Hence, this case really stands for an understanding of marriage that links 
marriage, sex and procreation. Skinner v Oklahoma took this position for 
granted. This case supports natural marriage.